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ARABIAN NIGHT - Let Them Eat Cake Cafe, Paphos - 18 September

 


ARABIAN NIGHT

Let Them Eat Cake Cafe, Paphos

Friday 18 September 8pm

Tickets: €38 (drinks not included), 7-11 years: €18 (drinks not included), children up to 6years free (drinks not included)

Reservations essential: Joud Catering Tel: 99069886, LTEC Cafe Tel: 99313151

A gourmet dinner buffet of authentic Arabic dishes with live Arabic music. Enjoy mouth-watering salads and appetizers, exquisite soups, delectable authentic main courses and a selection of homemade Arabic desserts. Live contemporary Arabic music by Kindred Vibz fronted by the Moroccan singer Carmen Ghian and Kyp Paraskeva on the Darbouka. Enjoy the rest of your evening with Oud music played by Ferhad and Darbouka by Kyp Paraskeva. Arabic coffee will be offered all night long.

Directions: At the far end of the Town Hall Square on a small junction. LET THEM EAT CAKE, 2 Agiou Theodorou St, Paphos. Tel: 99313151. Email: sranastasi@gmail.com

MUSIC, COFFEE, CAKE - Technopolis 20 - 11, 18, 25 September

 


MUSIC, COFFEE, CAKE with Nikoletta Savvidou [piano]

Technopolis 20

11, 18, 25 September - 10am

Tickets: €5 including a drink

Reservations: Tel: 70002420 (calls only). Limited number of seats are available

Join us for live piano music in the background while you are enjoying your coffee and cake. Nikoletta Savvidou, a student of the Berklee college of music, will perform a programme of light piano pieces. The performance will be inside but people can sit outside in the garden because we shall put speakers. There will be few tables inside too.

Directions: Head into town from the Debenhams roundabout and turn right just before the Makarios statue, over the crossroads then right again just past the big white court building, and the venue will be found 200M on the right with parking on the left. TECHNOPOLIS 20 Cultural Centre, 18 Nikolaou Nikolaidi Avenue, 8010 Paphos. Tel: 70002420. www.technopolis20.com. Facebook: @technopolis20.

GARY GOODMAZE TRIBUTE TO FREDDIE MERCURY - Colosseum Restaurant, Paphos - 10 & 11 October

 


GARY GOODMAZE TRIBUTE TO FREDDIE MERCURY

Colosseum Restaurant, Paphos

10 & 11 October - dinner 7pm, show 9pm

Back by popular demand! For two exclusive shows at the Colosseum only on the 10th & 11th October!

A tribute to Freddie by Gary Goodmaze has won rave reviews across the world and has made Gary one of the most sought after acts in Europe. Gary as Freddie Mercury is one of the best acts you are likely to see and is truly a stunning and exhilarating experience.

Dinner will start at 7pm, show - 9pm
Three-course dinner -  €23 - booking essential.   For reservations - colosseum@cytanet.com.cy or 26 96 24 15

FISHER STEVENS TRIBUTE TO NEIL DIAMOND - Colosseum Restaurant - 24 & 25 October

 


FISHER STEVENS TRIBUTE TO NEIL DIAMOND

Colosseum Restaurant, Paphos

October 24 & 25 - dinner 7pm, show 9pm

Fisher combines authentic vocals with a relaxed sense of humour to deliver a Diamond-studded night of musical entertainment. This spectacular evening re-visits over five decades of sparkling musical gems. Get ready for the Beautiful Noise show - book your tickets now!

Dinner will start at 7pm, show - 9pm.

Three-course dinner - €23 - booking essential.   For reservations - colosseum@cytanet.com.cy or 26 96 24 15

PETE MCCALL TRIBUTE TO ROD STEWART - Colosseum Restaurant, Paphos - 17 & 31 October

 


PETE MCCALL TRIBUTE TO ROD STEWART

Colosseum Restaurant, Paphos

17 & 31 October - dinner 7pm, show 9pm

FOR TWO EXCLUSIVE SHOWS AT THE COLOSSEUM ONLY!  Pete McCall is without a doubt UK's Number One tribute to the great Rod Stewart. His repertoire of songs is second to none dating from the earliest album tracks through to the latest. You are guaranteed a wonderful evening of communal singing and dancing to all the hits: Maggie May, Baby Jane, Sailing and many more.

Don't miss this opportunity to be a part of a very special night!

Dinner will start - 7pm, show - 9pm
Three-course dinner - € 23  - booking essential.  For reservations - colosseum@cytanet.com.cy or 26 96 24 15

NORTH ANNOUNCES NEW MEASURES AFTER RISE IN COVID-19 CASES

 Cyprus Mail 6 September 2020 - by Evie Andreou



The Turkish Cypriot side announced that all people arriving from abroad will be quarantined for seven days due to the recent rise in coronavirus cases in the north.

The new measures were announced on Saturday evening after 26 new cases were announced by Turkish Cypriot authorities that expressed concerns over the rise in cases, including local transmission.

On Saturday, 26 news cases were recorded in the north: seven are people who arrived from abroad, 11 were people in quarantine and eight local cases. The total number of cases is now 397.

Gatherings and weddings in Vatyli, Sinta and Lysi have been banned for 14 days, starting Monday, due to increased cases found in these areas. The opening of all schools in this region has also been postponed for 14 days.

It was also announced that, given that the number of positive cases was increased among people arriving from category B countries, including Turkey and the UK, all passengers arriving from abroad will be quarantined for seven days in centres monitored by authorities. The new measure will be reviewed on September 20.

Students studying in Turkish Cypriot universities will too be quarantined for seven days upon their arrival in the north.

People arriving from category B countries and have taken two tests, prior to their departure and upon arrival, will not be quarantined if they plan on staying in the north less than three days.

People arriving from category C countries must get tested up to 120 hours prior to their arrival and will be quarantined for 14 days.

Authorities also warned they would order restaurants, bars and other mass gatherings areas to close if they do not take all necessary protection measures.



LEBANON AND THE FORTY THIEVES

 Cyprus Mail 6 September 2020

Protesters during a visit from US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs David Hale


How corruption and the powerful turned the pearl of the Orient into a failed state

By George Eid

“Lebanon, pearl of the Orient” is the cliche traditionally associated with Lebanon. It’s a slogan that has been fading for the last 30 years. The times when golden shores dominated the coastline of the small Mediterranean country are long gone. The luxury, the splendid architecture, the city’s multicultural population are slowly being replaced by a growing misery. This is down entirely to the political powers ruling Lebanon since 1975.

Contrary to popular belief, this did not happen all at once. After 15 years of civil war from 1975 to 1990, the reconstruction efforts carried a titanic cost, and Lebanon’s main policy was to finance them through the national debt.

In short, successive governments have spent 30 years looking for more money at any cost, mainly from foreign and domestic lenders every time they needed some.

This ultimately led to an estimated gross external public debt of $34 billion and a total debt of $92 billion.

At the same time, the political leaders have managed to drag other private entities into their economic “inferno”. They kept on borrowing from the Lebanese commercial banks and have built up a $58 billion internal debt issuing treasury bills and Eurobonds.

The three main factors behind Lebanon’s over swollen public debt are immediately clear:

Factor one: corruption

Ever since the 1989 Taef agreement ended the civil war in Lebanon, the warlords have been allowed to run free without any accountability. They have “laid their eggs” wherever they could in the public sector – offering jobs to their followers and creating networks of influence.

The political leaders have, for decades, distributed public jobs among their followers as a “political courtesy”, regardless of competence or need.

In 2019, the Lebanese parliament’s finance and budget committee issued a report announcing that “5,013 public servants were illegally hired, after a decision had been taken to freeze all hiring procedures in August 2017”.

It gets even more interesting when you learn that the number of public servants employed by the Lebanese state is “unknown”. And no one even bothered to find out for decades.

“Unofficial estimates have the total number of people getting paid by the Lebanese ministry of finance at 350,000,” economic analyst and professor Jassem Ajaka told the Cyprus Mail. “But you will never have an official number. It will reveal the amount of corruption they are trying to conceal.”

The only information available is that “32,009 were illegally hired prior to 2017” according to the parliamentary committee in 2019.

Bottom line? The Lebanese taxpayers are paying salaries for an unknown number of people that were hired through all kinds of “tricks” even when they did not have the right qualifications.

The cherry on top is that “$27 billion of public funds have evaporated since 1990 according to the report of the Lebanese court of accounts” said Ajaka.

If you think this is shocking, hold your breath and note that 92 per cent of foreign donations from 1997 until 2002 are unaccounted for in the state books, according to a report issued by Finance Minister Ali Hassan Khalil in 2019.

It would take more than a single newspaper article to dive in deep enough into the darkest corners of the Lebanese corruption machine.

Factor Two: The electricity sector

Electricity is a chronic issue that has debilitated Lebanon since 1990. “Lebanon’s electricity sector is both a main symptom of the dysfunctional power system and a key contributor to the economic, fiscal and financial crisis,” according to a report by Kulluna Irada, a Lebanese civic organisation for political reform.

In 2020 Lebanon still faces recurrent blackouts. Entire towns and neighbourhoods still rely on polluting private diesel generation to provide them with decent electricity.

According to Ajaka, the electricity sector has “consumed up to $1.5 billion alone every year in the past decade”. Not to mention the interest on the money borrowed from the market for that purpose.

Every energy minister for the last 30 years has promised to resolve the issue and failed to do so. Sometimes many of them simply disregarded the matter.

For the last 10 years, the Free Patriotic movement which the current Lebanese president Michel Aoun headed for years before his election, has held the energy ministry and launched plans to restructure the electricity sector. Not a single one of them came to light.

Factor three: tax evasion and smuggling

“Ali Baba’s cave” is the nickname that people in Beirut give to the city’s main port.

It is really hard to know sometimes what gets in and what gets out of there. The last deadly blast that occurred there and almost wiped out the whole capital is a good example.

“At least $1.5 billion is the yearly estimated amount that the Lebanese state loses due to smuggling at the city’s port,” Ajaka told the Cyprus Mail.

In addition, “142 illegal passageways are wide open between Lebanon and Syria” he said.

Syria, a country under severe sanctions is benefiting from the situation to drain fuel and products from Lebanon.

These passageways prevent “$50 million a year” from entering the state’s treasury according to Ajaka.

Tax evasion, meanwhile, is estimated at “$4 billion a year” he added.

Finally, combine these elements with bad governance and an economic system that relies on imports. Hence a disproportionate need for US dollars, which served as a main currency alongside the Lebanese pound. It was always going to mean a disastrous result.

However, what “led the herd off the cliff” was a three-dimensional crisis that started with a popular uprising on October 17, 2019, followed by the coronavirus outbreak and ended with an apocalyptic blast in Beirut’s port on August 4.

The hyperinflation that hit Lebanon hard since then has led the Lebanese lira to jump from roughly 1507LBP= $1 in July 2020 to roughly 7200LBP= $1 today.

Each of the governing Lebanese political parties promise to initiate reforms, work out the electricity sector issue and apply transparency to state affairs.

But falling under their spell will not be the Lebanese people who have watched for over three decades. Since 1990 there have been 23 governments, 11 prime ministers, four presidents, the same parliament speaker and the same central bank governor

They have all succeeded in reducing Lebanon to a shadow of her former self.


WAR UNLAWFUL EXCEPT IN SELF DEFENCE

 Cyprus Mail 6 September 2020 - by Alper Ali Riza

Margaret Thatcher's Sinking Of The Battleship Belgrano Still Divides Opinion

By Alper Ali Riza

Casus Belli is a Latin tag used by diplomats and political leaders to mean a hostile act that justifies use of force against the perpetrator state. The most egregious example was Japan’s attack on Pearl Harbour that caused US to declare war on Japan on December 6, 1941. President Roosevelt called it the day of infamy in his speech asking Congress to declare war.

There are many other examples, but the mere fact that an act is claimed by a state to justify going to war does not mean that the use of force that ensues is lawful.

War and the threat of war are both unlawful under the 1945 UN Charter. Only the inherent right of self defence in the event of an armed attack is lawful, and then only if it is necessary and proportionate.

Different considerations apply if use of force is authorised by the UN Security Council, but as unanimity is rare among its permanent members, for all practical purposes, self defence is the only lawful use of force available to states, and the only question to ponder here is the ambit of self defence between states at loggerheads.

That having been said, it is a truism that states do not comply with international law in matters of war and peace. This is because national interest dictates policy and the number of wars since 1945 bears witness to the harsh reality of war as an instrument of foreign policy.

The primary role of the UN is to maintain peace and security in the world, and, being an organisation dedicated to peace, the UN Charter had to make the use of force unlawful. After two world wars the framers of the UN Charter were more aspirational than realistic, but for small and less powerful states this has been a welcome if imperfect state of affairs

The obligation to suppress aggressive wars has been particularly useful, not least because since 2010 aggressive war is not only illegal, it is also criminal for which persons in leadership positions can be prosecuted: the procedure is convoluted and cumbersome but it is there.

Under the UN Charter member states undertook to refrain from the use of force and agreed to delegate the maintenance of peace to the UN Security Council of which the victors of World War II are all permanent members. But member states did not renounce the use of force in the resolution of disputes. This has constrained the vanquished states of World War II like Germany and Japan, though not the victors who have become the usual suspects in most wars across the globe since 1945.

States delegated the power to use force to the UN Security Council but, as mentioned earlier, preserved the inherent right to self defence.

Self defence has always been part of customary international law as integral to the Just War tradition under which engaging in war was permissible as a last resort, provided civilians were not targeted, the rules of war between combatants were respected, and the use of force was more likely to do good than harm.

The UK and US got into a lot of trouble over this in the 2003 war in Iraq. The British attorney general got himself in a bit of pickle over the legality of the war in Iraq because he first advised that attacking Iraq was unlawful in the absence of a UN Security Council approval, and then changed his advice seemingly on the basis of self defence, for which the evidence had been “sexed up.”

The Chilcot Inquiry into the circumstances in which the UK was taken to war concluded that the threat of weapons of mass destruction from Iraq was not imminent – if it existed at all – and the attack on Iraq was not a last resort but rather, as the US conceded, in furtherance of regime change in manifest breach of at least two articles of the UN Charter.

Self defence has been stretched to its limits in cases of pre-emptive self defence, which is part of the criminal law in most systems of law but not necessarily part of international treaty law. It is not authorised by the UN Charter, but it is, arguably, part customary international law.  Just like in criminal law you do not have to wait passively in the face of an imminent attack; states too must be entitled to use force pre-emptively where an attack is imminent.

Margaret Thatcher justified the sinking of the Argentine battleship The Belgrano during the Falklands war on the basis that it represented an imminent threat to the British task force even though it was outside the exclusion zone set by Britain and even though it was heading in the opposite direction. Her logic was that it could easily have changed course and pose an unacceptable risk to the task force. The incident still divides opinion and the late Labour MP Tam Dalyell was never convinced that sinking The Belgrano was justified on military grounds.

Preventive, as opposed to pre-emptive, self defence, however, is unlawful because an attack is not imminent and as such falls foul of the requirement that the use of force must be a last resort.

Humanitarian intervention to defend persecuted groups that cannot look to the state of a country for protection is also unlawful. It was the justification for the intervention by Britain, France and the US in Libya, but that was authorised by the UN Security Council rather than by customary international law. Humanitarian intervention is difficult: most people believe something must be done where human suffering is so obviously in need of relief.

The truth about humanitarian intervention, however, is that it falls foul of the Just War tradition because more often than not it does more harm than good.

 

Alper Ali Riza is a queen’s counsel in private practice and a retired part time judge.


THE OBSERVER VIEW ON BORIS JOHNSON'S DISASTROUS PATH TO A COVID-19 BREXIT

 The Guardian 6 September 2020 - Observer editorial

© Provided by The Guardian Photograph: Neil Hall/EPA


Covid-19 has pushed the economy into the worst recession on record. GDP fell by a fifth in the three months to June, the biggest quarterly drop of any G7 nation. This is surely the worst possible moment for the government to choose to inflict a further economic shock on the country. Yet that is exactly what Boris Johnson is planning to do. On 1 January, the Brexit transition period will come to an end and Britain will either trade on a no-deal basis with the European Union or, at best, with a bare-bones free trade agreement.

The government’s economic forecasts predict that a no-deal Brexit would depress GDP by more than seven percentage points over 15 years and that a free trade deal outside the customs union and single market would reduce it by just under five points. But even Brexit’s most ardent proponents, who implausibly deny that creating friction in the trading relationship with our closest neighbours would significantly reduce growth over the long term, would concede that there will be a short-term shock to moving to a different relationship. It is a mark of just how mind-bogglingly ideological Johnson and his cabinet are that they refused to ask the EU for the transition period extension earlier this year that would surely have been granted.

But regardless of the ruinous impact of Covid-19, the government’s mantra continues to be Brexit at any cost. The negotiations this week move into a critical phase. A trade deal must be reached by the end of October to allow time to ratify any agreement. Yet the sticking point remains the same: the government wants to maintain the benefits of a close trading relationship with the EU without reaching agreement on a shared set of regulatory standards and state aid rules – the so-called “level playing field” – that would prevent either UK or EU businesses being able to undercut each other in the other’s markets.

The government is using critical trade negotiations for domestic political posturing. It is highly irresponsible

For Boris Johnson, Brexit was about “taking back control”, a populist slogan that trips off the tongue but that is misleading in the extreme. The reality of the 21st-century’s interdependent global economy is that economic success is heavily reliant on reaching trade deals. The very nature of trade deals is that they involve sacrificing old-fashioned notions of national sovereignty in relation to regulatory standards in exchange for access to each others’ markets. With the EU, there are at least democratic mechanisms to hold its institutions to account for those standards. If Brexit Britain were to become more reliant on trade deals with countries such as the US and China, we would be pushed into weaker environmental, consumer and employment standards as a price of such deals with little democratic scrutiny of those agreements.

a person holding a sign: Catchy slogan, bad policy: an anti-Brexit protester in Parliament Square, London, at the start of this year.© Photograph: Neil Hall/EPA Catchy slogan, bad policy: an anti-Brexit protester in Parliament Square, London, at the start of this year.

There will be no trade deal with the EU next year unless both sides can agree on fishing rights and on a state aid regime. It is not in the EU’s interests to compromise the integrity of its single market by yielding to UK demands on state aid; the UK has not even published a draft post-Brexit state aid regime to inform the talks. Save for some vague briefing to the press about big subsidies for UK technology companies, it is not even clear what freedoms the government wants on state aid that would not be permitted under EU rules, which already allow a significant degree of flexibility. The government seems to expect to be able to advance a negotiation without setting out what it wants. It is using critical trade negotiations for domestic political posturing. It is highly irresponsible.

The UK government’s terrible handling of the pandemic has strengthened the cause for Scottish independence

The risk of a no deal remains very real. But even were the sort of bare-bones trade deal the government is aiming for to be reached, the costs would be high. There will still be a huge amount of disruption in January as businesses adapt to a new customs regime. Government data suggests that, unsurprisingly, in the wake of Covid-19, most companies have not begun to prepare and the focus of Whitehall and local government has rightly been on managing the public health crisis.

Any form of hard Brexit, whether a basic free trade agreement or a no deal, will also gravely endanger the union. The Northern Ireland protocol guarantees there will be no border checks on the island of Ireland, but it remains to be seen what impact imposing a customs border and, potentially tariffs, on the movement of goods across the Irish Sea will have on the politics and economy of Northern Ireland. The UK government’s terrible handling of the pandemic has strengthened the cause for Scottish independence and the fallout from a hard Brexit will probably boost the SNP in next May’s Holyrood elections, making it more difficult for Westminster to continue to refuse Nicola Sturgeon a second independence referendum. Johnson may well go down in history as the prime minister who not just oversaw one of the world’s worst Covid-19 death rates, or took Britain out of the EU in a damaging Brexit, but who paved the way for the dissolution of the union.

This is shocking but not surprising. Johnson won the referendum, then his premiership and an election, using an empty populist slogan that provides no substantial basis for government. Brexit has hollowed out the Conservative party, largely stripping the cabinet of its reserves of competence and talent, leaving behind some of the least able ministers in living memory. We have paid a terrible price for this in our battle with the coronavirus, but with the next phase of Brexit and its potential impact on the union, worse may come.


ARRESTS AFTER ARRIVAL OF MIGRANT GROUP, ANOTHER ONE SENT BACK


Cyprus Mail 6 September - by Evie Andreou



Thirty-three migrants who arrived off Limassol on Saturday afternoon were sent early on Sunday back to Lebanon which is where most of them come from.

In the meantime, police arrested four men who were among a group of 51 migrants – Syrians and Lebanese – that landed by boat in Kapparis area in Famagusta, also on Saturday. They are being investigated for people smuggling.

The boat with the 33 migrants – 30 Lebanese and three Syrians – was spotted off Limassol on Saturday afternoon. After consultations with the Lebanese authorities, it was decided that the group would be sent back to Lebanon.

Since the boat they were in was in very bad shape, Cypriot authorities leased a private boat to take the group of 14 children, six women and 13 men back to their country. The boat set off for Lebanon at around 3.30 am. Onto the boat, the Cypriot authorities also loaded foodstuff and essential items.

The group was escorted back to Lebanon with nurses, an interpreter, migration and police officers.

This was the second group arriving in Cyprus on Saturday.

Earlier in the day, 51 migrants landed in the buffer zone in the Kapparis area and crossed to the government-controlled area.

Police said the boat arrived from Lebanon. Initially, it was carrying 55 people but officers of the marine police that had spotted the vessel off Cape Greco prior to its landing in Kapparis picked up on Friday a woman and three babies with health problems and took them to hospital. They are now at the Makarios children’s hospital in Nicosia.

Police on Sunday said they arrested four of the men in that group, three from Syria aged 31, 25 and 21, and one from Lebanon, 19, on suspicion of people smuggling. They are believed to be the owners and drivers of the boat.

They were remanded for eight days. The rest of the group have been taken to the migrant reception centre in Kokkinotrimithia.